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1 (For more information about the GNU project and free software,
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2 look at the files `GNU', `COPYING', and `DISTRIB', in the same
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3 directory as this file.)
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4
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5
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6 Why Software Should Be Free
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7
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8 by Richard Stallman
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9
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10 (Version of April 24, 1992)
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11
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12 Copyright (C) 1991, 1992, Free Software Foundation, Inc.
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13 Verbatim copying and redistribution is permitted
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14 without royalty; alteration is not permitted.
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15
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16 Introduction
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17 ************
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18
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19 The existence of software inevitably raises the question of how
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20 decisions about its use should be made. For example, suppose one
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21 individual who has a copy of a program meets another who would like a
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22 copy. It is possible for them to copy the program; who should decide
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23 whether this is done? The individuals involved? Or another party,
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24 called the "owner"?
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25
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26 Software developers typically consider these questions on the
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27 assumption that the criterion for the answer is to maximize developers'
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28 profits. The political power of business has led to the government
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29 adoption of both this criterion and the answer proposed by the
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30 developers: that the program has an owner, typically a corporation
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31 associated with its development.
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32
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33 I would like to consider the same question using a different
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34 criterion: the prosperity and freedom of the public in general.
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35
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36 This answer cannot be decided by current law--the law should conform
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37 to ethics, not the other way around. Nor does current practice decide
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38 this question, although it may suggest possible answers. The only way
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39 to judge is to see who is helped and who is hurt by recognizing owners
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40 of software, why, and how much. In other words, we should perform a
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41 cost-benefit analysis on behalf of society as a whole, taking account of
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42 individual freedom as well as production of material goods.
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43
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44 In this essay, I will describe the effects of having owners, and show
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45 that the results are detrimental. My conclusion is that programmers
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46 have the duty to encourage others to share, redistribute, study and
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47 improve the software we write: in other words, to write "free"
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48 software.(1)
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49
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50 How Owners Justify Their Power
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51 ******************************
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52
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53 Those who benefit from the current system where programs are property
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54 offer two arguments in support of their claims to own programs: the
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55 emotional argument and the economic argument.
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56
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57 The emotional argument goes like this: "I put my sweat, my heart, my
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58 soul into this program. It comes from *me*, it's *mine*!"
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59
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60 This argument does not require serious refutation. The feeling of
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61 attachment is one that programmers can cultivate when it suits them; it
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62 is not inevitable. Consider, for example, how willingly the same
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63 programmers usually sign over all rights to a large corporation for a
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64 salary; the emotional attachment mysteriously vanishes. By contrast,
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65 consider the great artists and artisans of medieval times, who didn't
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66 even sign their names to their work. To them, the name of the artist
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67 was not important. What mattered was that the work was done--and the
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68 purpose it would serve. This view prevailed for hundreds of years.
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69
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70 The economic argument goes like this: "I want to get rich (usually
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71 described inaccurately as `making a living'), and if you don't allow me
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72 to get rich by programming, then I won't program. Everyone else is like
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73 me, so nobody will ever program. And then you'll be stuck with no
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74 programs at all!" This threat is usually veiled as friendly advice
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75 from the wise.
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76
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77 I'll explain later why this threat is a bluff. First I want to
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78 address an implicit assumption that is more visible in another
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79 formulation of the argument.
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80
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81 This formulation starts by comparing the social utility of a
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82 proprietary program with that of no program, and then concludes that
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83 proprietary software development is, on the whole, beneficial, and
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84 should be encouraged. The fallacy here is in comparing only two
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85 outcomes--proprietary software vs. no software--and assuming there are
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86 no other possibilities.
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87
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88 Given a system of intellectual property, software development is
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89 usually linked with the existence of an owner who controls the
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90 software's use. As long as this linkage exists, we are often faced
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91 with the choice of proprietary software or none. However, this linkage
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92 is not inherent or inevitable; it is a consequence of the specific
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93 social/legal policy decision that we are questioning: the decision to
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94 have owners. To formulate the choice as between proprietary software
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95 vs. no software is begging the question.
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96
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97 The Argument against Having Owners
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98 **********************************
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99
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100 The question at hand is, "Should development of software be linked
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101 with having owners to restrict the use of it?"
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102
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103 In order to decide this, we have to judge the effect on society of
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104 each of those two activities *independently*: the effect of developing
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105 the software (regardless of its terms of distribution), and the effect
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106 of restricting its use (assuming the software has been developed). If
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107 one of these activities is helpful and the other is harmful, we would be
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108 better off dropping the linkage and doing only the helpful one.
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109
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110 To put it another way, if restricting the distribution of a program
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111 already developed is harmful to society overall, then an ethical
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112 software developer will reject the option of doing so.
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113
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114 To determine the effect of restricting sharing, we need to compare
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115 the value to society of a restricted (i.e., proprietary) program with
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116 that of the same program, available to everyone. This means comparing
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117 two possible worlds.
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118
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119 This analysis also addresses the simple counterargument sometimes
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120 made that "the benefit to the neighbor of giving him or her a copy of a
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121 program is cancelled by the harm done to the owner." This
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122 counterargument assumes that the harm and the benefit are equal in
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123 magnitude. The analysis involves comparing these magnitudes, and shows
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124 that the benefit is much greater.
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125
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126 To elucidate this argument, let's apply it in another area: road
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127 construction.
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128
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129 It would be possible to fund the construction of all roads with
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130 tolls. This would entail having toll booths at all street corners.
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131 Such a system would provide a great incentive to improve roads. It
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132 would also have the virtue of causing the users of any given road to
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133 pay for that road. However, a toll booth is an artificial obstruction
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134 to smooth driving--artificial, because it is not a consequence of how
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135 roads or cars work.
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136
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137 Comparing free roads and toll roads by their usefulness, we find that
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138 (all else being equal) roads without toll booths are cheaper to
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139 construct, cheaper to run, safer, and more efficient to use.(2) In a
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140 poor country, tolls may make the roads unavailable to many citizens.
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141 The roads without toll booths thus offer more benefit to society at
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142 less cost; they are preferable for society. Therefore, society should
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143 choose to fund roads in another way, not by means of toll booths. Use
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144 of roads, once built, should be free.
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145
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146 When the advocates of toll booths propose them as *merely* a way of
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147 raising funds, they distort the choice that is available. Toll booths
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148 do raise funds, but they do something else as well: in effect, they
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149 degrade the road. The toll road is not as good as the free road; giving
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150 us more or technically superior roads may not be an improvement if this
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151 means substituting toll roads for free roads.
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152
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153 Of course, the construction of a free road does cost money, which the
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154 public must somehow pay. However, this does not imply the inevitability
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155 of toll booths. We who must in either case pay will get more value for
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156 our money by buying a free road.
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157
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158 I am not saying that a toll road is worse than no road at all. That
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159 would be true if the toll were so great that hardly anyone used the
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160 road--but this is an unlikely policy for a toll collector. However, as
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161 long as the toll booths cause significant waste and inconvenience, it is
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162 better to raise the funds in a less obstructive fashion.
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163
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164 To apply the same argument to software development, I will now show
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165 that having "toll booths" for useful software programs costs society
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166 dearly: it makes the programs more expensive to construct, more
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167 expensive to distribute, and less satisfying and efficient to use. It
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168 will follow that program construction should be encouraged in some other
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169 way. Then I will go on to explain other methods of encouraging and (to
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170 the extent actually necessary) funding software development.
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171
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172 The Harm Done by Obstructing Software
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173 =====================================
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174
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175 Consider for a moment that a program has been developed, and any
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176 necessary payments for its development have been made; now society must
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177 choose either to make it proprietary or allow free sharing and use.
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178 Assume that the existence of the program and its availability is a
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179 desirable thing.(3)
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180
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181 Restrictions on the distribution and modification of the program
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182 cannot facilitate its use. They can only interfere. So the effect can
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183 only be negative. But how much? And what kind?
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184
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185 Three different levels of material harm come from such obstruction:
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186
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187 * Fewer people use the program.
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188
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189 * None of the users can adapt or fix the program.
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190
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191 * Other developers cannot learn from the program, or base new work
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192 on it.
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193
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194 Each level of material harm has a concomitant form of psychosocial
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195 harm. This refers to the effect that people's decisions have on their
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196 subsequent feelings, attitudes and predispositions. These changes in
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197 people's ways of thinking will then have a further effect on their
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198 relationships with their fellow citizens, and can have material
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199 consequences.
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200
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201 The three levels of material harm waste part of the value that the
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202 program could contribute, but they cannot reduce it to zero. If they
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203 waste nearly all the value of the program, then writing the program
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204 harms society by at most the effort that went into writing the program.
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205 Arguably a program that is profitable to sell must provide some net
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206 direct material benefit.
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207
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208 However, taking account of the concomitant psychosocial harm, there
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209 is no limit to the harm that proprietary software development can do.
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210
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211 Obstructing Use of Programs
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212 ===========================
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213
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214 The first level of harm impedes the simple use of a program. A copy
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215 of a program has nearly zero marginal cost (and you can pay this cost by
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216 doing the work yourself), so in a free market, it would have nearly zero
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217 price. A license fee is a significant disincentive to use the program.
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218 If a widely-useful program is proprietary, far fewer people will use it.
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219
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220 It is easy to show that the total contribution of a program to
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221 society is reduced by assigning an owner to it. Each potential user of
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222 the program, faced with the need to pay to use it, may choose to pay,
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223 or may forego use of the program. When a user chooses to pay, this is a
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224 zero-sum transfer of wealth between two parties. But each time someone
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225 chooses to forego use of the program, this harms that person without
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226 benefiting anyone. The sum of negative numbers and zeros must be
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227 negative.
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228
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229 But this does not reduce the amount of work it takes to *develop*
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230 the program. As a result, the efficiency of the whole process, in
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231 delivered user satisfaction per hour of work, is reduced.
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232
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233 This reflects a crucial difference between copies of programs and
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234 cars, chairs, or sandwiches. There is no copying machine for material
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235 objects outside of science fiction. But programs are easy to copy;
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236 anyone can produce as many copies as are wanted, with very little
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237 effort. This isn't true for material objects because matter is
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238 conserved: each new copy has to be built from raw materials in the same
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239 way that the first copy was built.
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240
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241 With material objects, a disincentive to use them makes sense,
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242 because fewer objects bought means less raw materials and work needed
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243 to make them. It's true that there is usually also a startup cost, a
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244 development cost, which is spread over the production run. But as long
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245 as the marginal cost of production is significant, adding a share of the
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246 development cost does not make a qualitative difference. And it does
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247 not require restrictions on the freedom of ordinary users.
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248
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249 However, imposing a price on something that would otherwise be free
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250 is a qualitative change. A centrally-imposed fee for software
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251 distribution becomes a powerful disincentive.
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252
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253 What's more, central production as now practiced is inefficient even
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254 as a means of delivering copies of software. This system involves
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255 enclosing physical disks or tapes in superfluous packaging, shipping
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256 large numbers of them around the world, and storing them for sale. This
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257 cost is presented as an expense of doing business; in truth, it is part
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258 of the waste caused by having owners.
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259
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260 Damaging Social Cohesion
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261 ========================
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262
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263 Suppose that both you and your neighbor would find it useful to run a
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264 certain program. In ethical concern for your neighbor, you should feel
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265 that proper handling of the situation will enable both of you to use it.
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266 A proposal to permit only one of you to use the program, while
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267 restraining the other, is divisive; neither you nor your neighbor should
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268 find it acceptable.
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269
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270 Signing a typical software license agreement means betraying your
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271 neighbor: "I promise to deprive my neighbor of this program so that I
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272 can have a copy for myself." People who make such choices feel
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273 internal psychological pressure to justify them, by downgrading the
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274 importance of helping one's neighbors--thus public spirit suffers.
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275 This is psychosocial harm associated with the material harm of
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276 discouraging use of the program.
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277
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278 Many users unconsciously recognize the wrong of refusing to share, so
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279 they decide to ignore the licenses and laws, and share programs anyway.
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280 But they often feel guilty about doing so. They know that they must
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281 break the laws in order to be good neighbors, but they still consider
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282 the laws authoritative, and they conclude that being a good neighbor
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283 (which they are) is naughty or shameful. That is also a kind of
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284 psychosocial harm, but one can escape it by deciding that these licenses
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285 and laws have no moral force.
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286
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287 Programmers also suffer psychosocial harm knowing that many users
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288 will not be allowed to use their work. This leads to an attitude of
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289 cynicism or denial. A programmer may describe enthusiastically the
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290 work that he finds technically exciting; then when asked, "Will I be
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291 permitted to use it?", his face falls, and he admits the answer is no.
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292 To avoid feeling discouraged, he either ignores this fact most of the
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293 time or adopts a cynical stance designed to minimize the importance of
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294 it.
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295
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296 Since the age of Reagan, the greatest scarcity in the United States
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297 is not technical innovation, but rather the willingness to work together
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298 for the public good. It makes no sense to encourage the former at the
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299 expense of the latter.
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300
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301 Obstructing Custom Adaptation of Programs
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302 =========================================
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303
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304 The second level of material harm is the inability to adapt programs.
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305 The ease of modification of software is one of its great advantages over
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306 older technology. But most commercially available software isn't
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307 available for modification, even after you buy it. It's available for
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308 you to take it or leave it, as a black box--that is all.
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309
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310 A program that you can run consists of a series of numbers whose
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311 meaning is obscure. No one, not even a good programmer, can easily
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312 change the numbers to make the program do something different.
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313
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314 Programmers normally work with the "source code" for a program, which
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315 is written in a programming language such as Fortran or C. It uses
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316 names to designate the data being used and the parts of the program, and
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317 it represents operations with symbols such as `+' for addition and `-'
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318 for subtraction. It is designed to help programmers read and change
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319 programs. Here is an example; a program to calculate the distance
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320 between two points in a plane:
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321
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322 float
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323 distance (p0, p1)
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324 struct point p0, p1;
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325 {
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326 float xdist = p1.x - p0.x;
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327 float ydist = p1.y - p0.y;
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328 return sqrt (xdist * xdist + ydist * ydist);
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329 }
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330
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331 Here is the same program in executable form, on the computer I
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332 normally use:
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333
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334 1314258944 -232267772 -231844864 1634862
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335 1411907592 -231844736 2159150 1420296208
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336 -234880989 -234879837 -234879966 -232295424
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337 1644167167 -3214848 1090581031 1962942495
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338 572518958 -803143692 1314803317
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339
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340 Source code is useful (at least potentially) to every user of a
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341 program. But most users are not allowed to have copies of the source
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342 code. Usually the source code for a proprietary program is kept secret
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343 by the owner, lest anybody else learn something from it. Users receive
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344 only the files of incomprehensible numbers that the computer will
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345 execute. This means that only the program's owner can change the
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346 program.
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347
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348 A friend once told me of working as a programmer in a bank for about
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349 six months, writing a program similar to something that was commercially
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350 available. She believed that if she could have gotten source code for
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351 that commercially available program, it could easily have been adapted
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352 to their needs. The bank was willing to pay for this, but was not
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353 permitted to--the source code was a secret. So she had to do six
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354 months of make-work, work that counts in the GNP but was actually waste.
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355
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356 The MIT Artificial Intelligence lab (AI lab) received a graphics
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357 printer as a gift from Xerox around 1977. It was run by free software
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358 to which we added many convenient features. For example, the software
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359 would notify a user immediately on completion of a print job. Whenever
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360 the printer had trouble, such as a paper jam or running out of paper,
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361 the software would immediately notify all users who had print jobs
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362 queued. These features facilitated smooth operation.
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363
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364 Later Xerox gave the AI lab a newer, faster printer, one of the first
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365 laser printers. It was driven by proprietary software that ran in a
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366 separate dedicated computer, so we couldn't add any of our favorite
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367 features. We could arrange to send a notification when a print job was
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368 sent to the dedicated computer, but not when the job was actually
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369 printed (and the delay was usually considerable). There was no way to
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370 find out when the job was actually printed; you could only guess. And
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371 no one was informed when there was a paper jam, so the printer often
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372 went for an hour without being fixed.
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373
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374 The system programmers at the AI lab were capable of fixing such
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375 problems, probably as capable as the original authors of the program.
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376 Xerox was uninterested in fixing them, and chose to prevent us, so we
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377 were forced to accept the problems. They were never fixed.
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378
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379 Most good programmers have experienced this frustration. The bank
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380 could afford to solve the problem by writing a new program from
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381 scratch, but a typical user, no matter how skilled, can only give up.
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382
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383 Giving up causes psychosocial harm--to the spirit of self-reliance.
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384 It is demoralizing to live in a house that you cannot rearrange to suit
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385 your needs. It leads to resignation and discouragement, which can
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386 spread to affect other aspects of one's life. People who feel this way
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387 are unhappy and do not do good work.
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388
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389 Imagine what it would be like if recipes were hoarded in the same
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390 fashion as software. You might say, "How do I change this recipe to
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391 take out the salt?", and the great chef would respond, "How dare you
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392 insult my recipe, the child of my brain and my palate, by trying to
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393 tamper with it? You don't have the judgment to change my recipe and
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394 make it work right!"
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395
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396 "But my doctor says I'm not supposed to eat salt! What can I do?
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397 Will you take out the salt for me?"
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398
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399 "I would be glad to do that; my fee is only $50,000." Since the
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400 owner has a monopoly on changes, the fee tends to be large. "However,
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401 right now I don't have time. I am busy with a commission to design a
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402 new recipe for ship's biscuit for the Navy Department. I might get
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403 around to you in about two years."
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404
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405 Obstructing Software Development
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406 ================================
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407
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408 The third level of material harm affects software development.
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409 Software development used to be an evolutionary process, where a person
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410 would take an existing program and rewrite parts of it for one new
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411 feature, and then another person would rewrite parts to add another
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412 feature; in some cases, this continued over a period of twenty years.
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413 Meanwhile, parts of the program would be "cannibalized" to form the
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414 beginnings of other programs.
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415
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416 The existence of owners prevents this kind of evolution, making it
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417 necessary to start from scratch when developing a program. It also
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418 prevents new practitioners from studying existing programs to learn
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419 useful techniques or even how large programs can be structured.
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420
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421 Owners also obstruct education. I have met bright students in
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422 computer science who have never seen the source code of a large
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423 program. They may be good at writing small programs, but they can't
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424 begin to learn the different skills of writing large ones if they can't
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425 see how others have done it.
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426
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427 In any intellectual field, one can reach greater heights by standing
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428 on the shoulders of others. But that is no longer generally allowed in
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429 the software field--you can only stand on the shoulders of the other
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430 people *in your own company*.
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431
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432 The associated psychosocial harm affects the spirit of scientific
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433 cooperation, which used to be so strong that scientists would cooperate
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434 even when their countries were at war. In this spirit, Japanese
|
|
435 oceanographers abandoning their lab on an island in the Pacific
|
|
436 carefully preserved their work for the invading U.S. Marines, and left a
|
|
437 note asking them to take good care of it.
|
|
438
|
|
439 Conflict for profit has destroyed what international conflict spared.
|
|
440 Nowadays scientists in many fields don't publish enough in their papers
|
|
441 to enable others to replicate the experiment. They publish only enough
|
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442 to let readers marvel at how much they were able to do. This is
|
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443 certainly true in computer science, where the source code for the
|
|
444 programs reported on is usually secret.
|
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445
|
|
446 It Does Not Matter How Sharing Is Restricted
|
|
447 ============================================
|
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448
|
|
449 I have been discussing the effects of preventing people from copying,
|
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450 changing and building on a program. I have not specified how this
|
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451 obstruction is carried out, because that doesn't affect the conclusion.
|
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452 Whether it is done by copy protection, or copyright, or licenses, or
|
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453 encryption, or ROM cards, or hardware serial numbers, if it *succeeds*
|
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454 in preventing use, it does harm.
|
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455
|
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456 Users do consider some of these methods more obnoxious than others.
|
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457 I suggest that the methods most hated are those that accomplish their
|
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458 objective.
|
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459
|
|
460 Software Should be Free
|
|
461 =======================
|
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462
|
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463 I have shown how ownership of a program--the power to restrict
|
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464 changing or copying it--is obstructive. Its negative effects are
|
|
465 widespread and important. It follows that society shouldn't have
|
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466 owners for programs.
|
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467
|
|
468 Another way to understand this is that what society needs is free
|
|
469 software, and proprietary software is a poor substitute. Encouraging
|
|
470 the substitute is not a rational way to get what we need.
|
|
471
|
|
472 Vaclav Havel has advised us to "Work for something because it is
|
|
473 good, not just because it stands a chance to succeed." A business
|
|
474 making proprietary software stands a chance of success in its own narrow
|
|
475 terms, but it is not what is good for society.
|
|
476
|
|
477 Why People Will Develop Software
|
|
478 ********************************
|
|
479
|
|
480 If we eliminate intellectual property as a means of encouraging
|
|
481 people to develop software, at first less software will be developed,
|
|
482 but that software will be more useful. It is not clear whether the
|
|
483 overall delivered user satisfaction will be less; but if it is, or if
|
|
484 we wish to increase it anyway, there are other ways to encourage
|
|
485 development, just as there are ways besides toll booths to raise money
|
|
486 for streets. Before I talk about how that can be done, first I want to
|
|
487 question how much artificial encouragement is truly necessary.
|
|
488
|
|
489 Programming is Fun
|
|
490 ==================
|
|
491
|
|
492 There are some lines of work that few will enter except for money;
|
|
493 road construction, for example. There are other fields of study and
|
|
494 art in which there is little chance to become rich, which people enter
|
|
495 for their fascination or their perceived value to society. Examples
|
|
496 include mathematical logic, classical music, and archaeology; and
|
|
497 political organizing among working people. People compete, more sadly
|
|
498 than bitterly, for the few funded positions available, none of which is
|
|
499 funded very well. They may even pay for the chance to work in the
|
|
500 field, if they can afford to.
|
|
501
|
|
502 Such a field can transform itself overnight if it begins to offer the
|
|
503 possibility of getting rich. When one worker gets rich, others demand
|
|
504 the same opportunity. Soon all may demand large sums of money for doing
|
|
505 what they used to do for pleasure. When another couple of years go by,
|
|
506 everyone connected with the field will deride the idea that work would
|
|
507 be done in the field without large financial returns. They will advise
|
|
508 social planners to ensure that these returns are possible, prescribing
|
|
509 special privileges, powers and monopolies as necessary to do so.
|
|
510
|
|
511 This change happened in the field of computer programming in the past
|
|
512 decade. Fifteen years ago, there were articles on "computer
|
|
513 addiction": users were "onlining" and had hundred-dollar-a-week habits.
|
|
514 It was generally understood that people frequently loved programming
|
|
515 enough to break up their marriages. Today, it is generally understood
|
|
516 that no one would program except for a high rate of pay. People have
|
|
517 forgotten what they knew fifteen years ago.
|
|
518
|
|
519 When it is true at a given time that most people will work in a
|
|
520 certain field only for high pay, it need not remain true. The dynamic
|
|
521 of change can run in reverse, if society provides an impetus. If we
|
|
522 take away the possibility of great wealth, then after a while, when the
|
|
523 people have readjusted their attitudes, they will once again be eager
|
|
524 to work in the field for the joy of accomplishment.
|
|
525
|
|
526 The question, "How can we pay programmers?", becomes an easier
|
|
527 question when we realize that it's not a matter of paying them a
|
|
528 fortune. A mere living is easier to raise.
|
|
529
|
|
530 Funding Free Software
|
|
531 =====================
|
|
532
|
|
533 Institutions that pay programmers do not have to be software houses.
|
|
534 Many other institutions already exist which can do this.
|
|
535
|
|
536 Hardware manufacturers find it essential to support software
|
|
537 development even if they cannot control the use of the software. In
|
|
538 1970, much of their software was free because they did not consider
|
|
539 restricting it. Today, their increasing willingness to join
|
|
540 consortiums shows their realization that owning the software is not
|
|
541 what is really important for them.
|
|
542
|
|
543 Universities conduct many programming projects. Today, they often
|
|
544 sell the results, but in the 1970s, they did not. Is there any doubt
|
|
545 that universities would develop free software if they were not allowed
|
|
546 to sell software? These projects could be supported by the same
|
|
547 government contracts and grants which now support proprietary software
|
|
548 development.
|
|
549
|
|
550 It is common today for university researchers to get grants to
|
|
551 develop a system, develop it nearly to the point of completion and call
|
|
552 that "finished", and then start companies where they really finish the
|
|
553 project and make it usable. Sometimes they declare the unfinished
|
|
554 version "free"; if they are thoroughly corrupt, they instead get an
|
|
555 exclusive license from the university. This is not a secret; it is
|
|
556 openly admitted by everyone concerned. Yet if the researchers were not
|
|
557 exposed to the temptation to do these things, they would still do their
|
|
558 research.
|
|
559
|
|
560 Programmers writing free software can make their living by selling
|
|
561 services related to the software. I have been hired to port the GNU C
|
|
562 compiler to new hardware, and to make user-interface extensions to GNU
|
|
563 Emacs. (I offer these improvements to the public once they are done.)
|
|
564 I also teach classes for which I am paid.
|
|
565
|
|
566 I am not alone in working this way; there is now a successful,
|
|
567 growing corporation which does no other kind of work. Several other
|
|
568 companies also provide commercial support for the free software of the
|
|
569 GNU system. This is the beginning of the independent software support
|
|
570 industry-an industry that could become quite large if free software
|
|
571 becomes prevalent. It provides users with an option generally
|
|
572 unavailable for proprietary software, except to the very wealthy.
|
|
573
|
|
574 New institutions such as the Free Software Foundation can also fund
|
|
575 programmers. Most of the foundation's funds come from users buying
|
|
576 tapes through the mail. The software on the tapes is free, which means
|
|
577 that every user has the freedom to copy it and change it, but many
|
|
578 nonetheless pay to get copies. (Recall that "free software" refers to
|
|
579 freedom, not to price.) Some users order tapes who already have a copy,
|
|
580 as a way of making a contribution they feel we deserve. The Foundation
|
|
581 also receives sizable donations from computer manufacturers.
|
|
582
|
|
583 The Free Software Foundation is a charity, and its income is spent on
|
|
584 hiring as many programmers as possible. If it had been set up as a
|
|
585 business, distributing the same free software to the public for the same
|
|
586 fee, it would now provide a very good living for its founder.
|
|
587
|
|
588 Because the Foundation is a charity, programmers often work for the
|
|
589 Foundation for half of what they could make elsewhere. They do this
|
|
590 because we are free of bureaucracy, and because they feel satisfaction
|
|
591 in knowing that their work will not be obstructed from use. Most of
|
|
592 all, they do it because programming is fun. In addition, volunteers
|
|
593 have written many useful programs for us. (Recently even technical
|
|
594 writers have begun to volunteer.)
|
|
595
|
|
596 This confirms that programming is among the most fascinating of all
|
|
597 fields, along with music and art. We don't have to fear that no one
|
|
598 will want to program.
|
|
599
|
|
600 What Do Users Owe to Developers?
|
|
601 ================================
|
|
602
|
|
603 There is a good reason for users of software to feel a moral
|
|
604 obligation to contribute to its support. Developers of free software
|
|
605 are contributing to the users' activities, and it is both fair and in
|
|
606 the long term interest of the users to give them funds to continue.
|
|
607
|
|
608 However, this does not apply to proprietary software developers,
|
|
609 since obstructionism deserves a punishment rather than a reward.
|
|
610
|
|
611 We thus have a paradox: the developer of useful software is entitled
|
|
612 to the support of the users, but any attempt to turn this moral
|
|
613 obligation into a requirement destroys the basis for the obligation. A
|
|
614 developer can either deserve a reward or demand it, but not both.
|
|
615
|
|
616 I believe that an ethical developer faced with this paradox must act
|
|
617 so as to deserve the reward, but should also entreat the users for
|
|
618 voluntary donations. Eventually the users will learn to support
|
|
619 developers without coercion, just as they have learned to support public
|
|
620 radio and television stations.
|
|
621
|
|
622 What Is Software Productivity?
|
|
623 ******************************
|
|
624
|
|
625 If software were free, there would still be programmers, but perhaps
|
|
626 fewer of them. Would this be bad for society?
|
|
627
|
|
628 Not necessarily. Today the advanced nations have fewer farmers than
|
|
629 in 1900, but we do not think this is bad for society, because the few
|
|
630 deliver more food to the consumers than the many used to do. We call
|
|
631 this improved productivity. Free software would require far fewer
|
|
632 programmers to satisfy the demand, because of increased software
|
|
633 productivity at all levels:
|
|
634
|
|
635 * Wider use of each program that is developed.
|
|
636
|
|
637 * The ability to adapt existing programs for customization instead
|
|
638 of starting from scratch.
|
|
639
|
|
640 * Better education of programmers.
|
|
641
|
|
642 * The elimination of duplicate development effort.
|
|
643
|
|
644 Those who object to cooperation because it would result in the
|
|
645 employment of fewer programmers, are actually objecting to increased
|
|
646 productivity. Yet these people usually accept the widely-held belief
|
|
647 that the software industry needs increased productivity. How is this?
|
|
648
|
|
649 "Software productivity" can mean two different things: the overall
|
|
650 productivity of all software development, or the productivity of
|
|
651 individual projects. Overall productivity is what society would like to
|
|
652 improve, and the most straightforward way to do this is to eliminate the
|
|
653 artificial obstacles to cooperation which reduce it. But researchers
|
|
654 who study the field of "software productivity" focus only on the
|
|
655 second, limited, sense of the term, where improvement requires difficult
|
|
656 technological advances.
|
|
657
|
|
658 Is Competition Inevitable?
|
|
659 **************************
|
|
660
|
|
661 Is it inevitable that people will try to compete, to surpass their
|
|
662 rivals in society? Perhaps it is. But competition itself is not
|
|
663 harmful; the harmful thing is *combat*.
|
|
664
|
|
665 There are many ways to compete. Competition can consist of trying to
|
|
666 achieve ever more, to outdo what others have done. For example, in the
|
|
667 old days, there was competition among programming wizards--competition
|
|
668 for who could make the computer do the most amazing thing, or for who
|
|
669 could make the shortest or fastest program for a given task. This kind
|
|
670 of competition can benefit everyone, *as long as* the spirit of good
|
|
671 sportsmanship is maintained.
|
|
672
|
|
673 Constructive competition is enough competition to motivate people to
|
|
674 great efforts. A number of people are competing to be the first to have
|
|
675 visited all the countries on Earth; some even spend fortunes trying to
|
|
676 do this. But they do not bribe ship captains to strand their rivals on
|
|
677 desert islands. They are content to let the best person win.
|
|
678
|
|
679 Competition becomes combat when the competitors begin trying to
|
|
680 impede each other instead of advancing themselves--when "Let the best
|
|
681 person win" gives way to "Let me win, best or not." Proprietary
|
|
682 software is harmful, not because it is a form of competition, but
|
|
683 because it is a form of combat among the citizens of our society.
|
|
684
|
|
685 Competition in business is not necessarily combat. For example, when
|
|
686 two grocery stores compete, their entire effort is to improve their own
|
|
687 operations, not to sabotage the rival. But this does not demonstrate a
|
|
688 special commitment to business ethics; rather, there is little scope for
|
|
689 combat in this line of business short of physical violence. Not all
|
|
690 areas of business share this characteristic. Withholding information
|
|
691 that could help everyone advance is a form of combat.
|
|
692
|
|
693 Business ideology does not prepare people to resist the temptation to
|
|
694 combat the competition. Some forms of combat have been made banned with
|
|
695 anti-trust laws, truth in advertising laws, and so on, but rather than
|
|
696 generalizing this to a principled rejection of combat in general,
|
|
697 executives invent other forms of combat which are not specifically
|
|
698 prohibited. Society's resources are squandered on the economic
|
|
699 equivalent of factional civil war.
|
|
700
|
|
701 "Why Don't You Move to Russia?"
|
|
702 *******************************
|
|
703
|
|
704 In the United States, any advocate of other than the most extreme
|
|
705 form of laissez-faire selfishness has often heard this accusation. For
|
|
706 example, it is leveled against the supporters of a national health care
|
|
707 system, such as is found in all the other industrialized nations of the
|
|
708 free world. It is leveled against the advocates of public support for
|
|
709 the arts, also universal in advanced nations. The idea that citizens
|
|
710 have any obligation to the public good is identified in America with
|
|
711 Communism. But how similar are these ideas?
|
|
712
|
|
713 Communism as was practiced in the Soviet Union was a system of
|
|
714 central control where all activity was regimented, supposedly for the
|
|
715 common good, but actually for the sake of the members of the Communist
|
|
716 party. And where copying equipment was closely guarded to prevent
|
|
717 illegal copying.
|
|
718
|
|
719 The American system of intellectual property exercises central
|
|
720 control over distribution of a program, and guards copying equipment
|
|
721 with automatic copying protection schemes to prevent illegal copying.
|
|
722
|
|
723 By contrast, I am working to build a system where people are free to
|
|
724 decide their own actions; in particular, free to help their neighbors,
|
|
725 and free to alter and improve the tools which they use in their daily
|
|
726 lives. A system based on voluntary cooperation, and decentralization.
|
|
727
|
|
728 Thus, if we are to judge views by their resemblance to Russian
|
|
729 Communism, it is the software owners who are the Communists.
|
|
730
|
|
731 The Question of Premises
|
|
732 ************************
|
|
733
|
|
734 I make the assumption in this paper that a user of software is no
|
|
735 less important than an author, or even an author's employer. In other
|
|
736 words, their interests and needs have equal weight, when we decide
|
|
737 which course of action is best.
|
|
738
|
|
739 This premise is not universally accepted. Many maintain that an
|
|
740 author's employer is fundamentally more important than anyone else.
|
|
741 They say, for example, that the purpose of having owners of software is
|
|
742 to give the author's employer the advantage he deserves--regardless of
|
|
743 how this may affect the public.
|
|
744
|
|
745 It is no use trying to prove or disprove these premises. Proof
|
|
746 requires shared premises. So most of what I have to say is addressed
|
|
747 only to those who share the premises I use, or at least are interested
|
|
748 in what their consequences are. For those who believe that the owners
|
|
749 are more important than everyone else, this paper is simply irrelevant.
|
|
750
|
|
751 But why would a large number of Americans accept a premise which
|
|
752 elevates certain people in importance above everyone else? Partly
|
|
753 because of the belief that this premise is part of the legal traditions
|
|
754 of American society. Some people feel that doubting the premise means
|
|
755 challenging the basis of society.
|
|
756
|
|
757 It is important for these people to know that this premise is not
|
|
758 part of our legal tradition. It never has been.
|
|
759
|
|
760 Thus, the Constitution says that the purpose of copyright is to
|
|
761 "promote the progress of science and the useful arts." The Supreme
|
|
762 Court has elaborated on this, stating in `Fox Film vs. Doyal' that "The
|
|
763 sole interest of the United States and the primary object in conferring
|
|
764 the [copyright] monopoly lie in the general benefits derived by the
|
|
765 public from the labors of authors."
|
|
766
|
|
767 We are not required to agree with the Constitution or the Supreme
|
|
768 Court. (At one time, they both condoned slavery.) So their positions
|
|
769 do not disprove the owner supremacy premise. But I hope that the
|
|
770 awareness that this is a radical right-wing assumption rather than a
|
|
771 traditionally recognized one will weaken its appeal.
|
|
772
|
|
773 Conclusion
|
|
774 **********
|
|
775
|
|
776 We like to think that our society encourages helping your neighbor;
|
|
777 but each time we reward someone for obstructionism, or admire them for
|
|
778 the wealth they have gained in this way, we are sending the opposite
|
|
779 message.
|
|
780
|
|
781 Software hoarding is one form of our general willingness to disregard
|
|
782 the welfare of society for personal gain. We can trace this disregard
|
|
783 from Ronald Reagan to Jim Bakker, from Ivan Boesky to Exxon, from
|
|
784 failing banks to failing schools. We can measure it with the size of
|
|
785 the homeless population and the prison population. The antisocial
|
|
786 spirit feeds on itself, because the more we see that other people will
|
|
787 not help us, the more it seems futile to help them. Thus society decays
|
|
788 into a jungle.
|
|
789
|
|
790 If we don't want to live in a jungle, we must change our attitudes.
|
|
791 We must start sending the message that a good citizen is one who
|
|
792 cooperates when appropriate, not one who is successful at taking from
|
|
793 others. I hope that the free software movement will contribute to
|
|
794 this: at least in one area, we will replace the jungle with a more
|
|
795 efficient system which encourages and runs on voluntary cooperation.
|
|
796
|
|
797 ---------- Footnotes ----------
|
|
798
|
|
799 (1) The word "free" in "free software" refers to freedom, not to
|
|
800 price; the price paid for a copy of a free program may be zero, or
|
|
801 small, or (rarely) quite large.
|
|
802
|
|
803 (2) The issues of pollution and traffic congestion do not alter
|
|
804 this conclusion. If we wish to make driving more expensive to
|
|
805 discourage driving in general, it is disadvantageous to do this using
|
|
806 toll booths, which contribute to both pollution and congestion. A tax
|
|
807 on gasoline is much better. Likewise, a desire to enhance safety by
|
|
808 limiting maximum speed is not relevant; a free access road enhances the
|
|
809 average speed by avoiding stops and delays, for any given speed limit.
|
|
810
|
|
811 (3) One might regard a particular computer program as a harmful
|
|
812 thing that should not be available at all, like the Lotus Marketplace
|
|
813 database of personal information, which was withdrawn from sale due to
|
|
814 public disapproval. Most of what I say does not apply to this case,
|
|
815 but it makes little sense to argue for having an owner on the grounds
|
|
816 that the owner will make the program less available. The owner will
|
|
817 not make it *completely* unavailable, as one would wish in the case of
|
|
818 a program whose use is considered destructive.
|
|
819
|